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    Trøndelag. The alliance between the Church and the Magnus faction was thus
    temporary and did not form an essential part in the formation and continued
    existence of the faction.
    The second ideological issue concerns the opposition between  traditional
    monarchy or monarchy  of the people , and the new, authoritarian and
    ecclesiastical ideas of kingship by the grace of God. The latter ideology is clearly
    expressed in Magnus s unction and coronation and the alliance between his faction
    and the Church in the 1160s, and further, in the speeches Sverris saga attributes to
    Magnus to defend his right to the throne against Sverre s attacks. Logically, Sverre
    ought to embrace more traditional ideas, of which there are also traces in his
    propaganda, notably his defence of the traditional principle of succession, allowing
    all sons of a king, whether or not they were legitimate, to ascend to the throne. This
    idea also accords with the more general attitude in Sverris saga, of the king as the
     best man , i.e. the reason for choosing a king from the royal line is that this line is
    likely to produce the men with the best qualifications, and thus that Sverre s
    31
    Gunnes, Kongens ære; S. Bagge,  Oratio contra clerum Norvegiae , Medieval Scandinavia. An
    Encyclopedia, edited by Ph. Pulsiano (New York, 1993), p. 455.
    32
    S. Bagge, The Political Thought of The King s Mirror, Medieval Scandinavia. Supplements 3 (Odense,
    1987), pp. 113 154.
    Scand. J. History 24
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    312 Sverre Bagge
    victories become evidence of his royal descent.33 However, Sverre also takes over
    the authoritarian and monarchical ideology, applying it far more consistently than
    his adversaries, in the form of explicit propaganda in A Speech against the Bishops, and
    in actual practice in his new organization of local government. In this field, we are
    dealing with an  ideological escalation rather than with two factions fighting one
    another with different ideological weapons.34
    The third issue may be regarded as a subdivision of the other two, Sverre
    defending the principle of agnatic succession, Magnus that of legitimate birth and
    coronation. The former principle corresponded  more or less exactly  to
    traditional ideas, the latter to the new ideas introduced by the Church and
    expressed in the documents issued in connection with the alliance between
    Magnus s faction and the Church in the 1160s. The opposition between the two
    principles is brought forward very clearly in Sverris saga. However, even this
    ideological division proved temporary. Magnus s faction later acclaimed a number
    of alleged illegitimate sons of Magnus as kings, while Sverres s faction in 1204 chose
    as its king a son of Sverre s daughter. Moreover, Sverre himself was crowned in
    1194 and afterwards seems to have used his coronation as an argument for his right
    º º
    to the throne. Both he and his grandson and successor Hakon Hakonsson made
    great efforts to obtain divine support in this way.35
    Despite the number of ideological issues involved during the struggles of the
    second half of the 12th century, there are no permanent ideological distinctions
    between the factions, and it is difficult to see that ideology could be an important
    factor in keeping a faction together and distinguishing the factions from one
    another. The only really constant line of division between the factions has to do
    with dynastic allegiance: the Birchlegs favoured the line of Sigurd and é ystein,
    their adversaries the line of Inge or, mostly, they supported kings who were said to
    descend from Magnus Erlingsson. Fortunately for both sides, Sigurd and Magnus
    were both known for their many affairs with women, so it was not difficult to make
    a convincing claim for some obscure boy being the son of one of them. We thus
    seem to be left with some kind of personal attachment linking the factions together.
    What was the exact nature of this factor?
    7. Personal relationships: kinship and friendship
    Kinship was adduced by the other great Marxist historian, Halvdan Koht, as an
    additional explanation of the class struggle, instead of the regional one (see above).
    A more extreme variation of the same theory is to regard the period of the civil wars
    as essentially a development from a  society of kindred to a  society of state ,
    inevitable tensions between kindred groups or family clans leading to civil war,
    which is finally remedied by the victory of the state and the suppression of the
    33
    Bagge, Society and Politics, p. 130 and From Gang Leader, p. 57.
    34
    S. Bagge,  Kingship in Medieval Norway. Ideal and Reality , in H. Duchhardt et al., eds. European
    Monarchy. Its Evolution and Practice from Roman Antiquity to Modern Times (Stuttgart, 1992), pp. 41 52.
    35 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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